Globalization:

A Working Paper for an Open Forum: Big Business Versus Politics – 
How are Changes in Business Changing the Nature of the Political Process in Australia… and Elsewhere? And How Should the Political Process Respond to Such Challenges?

Introduction

	In this paper I would like to address a number of issues, namely, a series of social concerns set in the context of the wake of an increasing globalization, and, a series of philosophical concerns as to how we should both critically read these previous social concerns and critically enact existential courses of action in response to the same. Our latter series of concerns addressing the (critical, philosophical political) question how do we critically determine what is relatively authentic and relatively less authentic? Indeed, just how should we ascertain, e.g., the relative overall merit  or lack of merit of globalization for the citizens of this country of Australia (and in what particular areas of the economy should we expect expansion and/or contraction of job opportunities, etc.?)? (1)

Definitions and Comments

	As with all things, definitions with a positive or a negative connotation can be given. To some extent the heat can be taken out of the controversy concerning the nature of the social consequences of globalization by properly attending to which definitions are going to be used, and, by considering the nature of the relationship between those that will be used in order to critically 'frame' the nature of those investigations being conducted. E.g., we could note the following definitions:

	Globalization entails an accelerating rate and/or higher level of economic interaction between nation states and national economies. (Baker, Epstein and Pollin, 1998)

	In making a point through exaggerated humour…

	The world is becoming a global shopping mall in which ideas and products are available everywhere at the same time. (Rosabeth Moss Kanter, 1995)

	Or, on a negative note…

	Globalization is what we in the Third World have for several centuries called colonisation. (Martin Khor, 1995)

	A definition posed by myself upon the tenuous middle ground between winners and losers…

	Globalization means finding products that are the same in quality or better but becoming cheaper over time whilst wondering whether the job you currently have, in order to pay for these items, will stay in your own country? (Tointon, 2005)

	Indeed, all things are like two-edged swords with the implication that we need to see both sides to their possible and actual use/misuse! (2)

Factors in Play

	One of the first things we can do is to articulate an open list as to who is implicated, directly or indirectly, in this process of globalization: Here is my suggestion of a list: governments (on various levels), the United Nations and its various umbrella organizations; multinational companies; national businesses; local business, primary producers, manufacturers, services, unions, workers, 1st, 2nd and 3rd world countries, etc. Each of these 'players' will be found to have a different role in the overall process of globalization, and, from their own points of view, will be found to possess different expectations and differing realizations of the same. (3)

	Then, we need to note different types of processes that collectively contribute to globalization (of world trade), and different types of process-contents or products directly and/or indirectly exchanged in those processes of trade, e.g., commodities, services, financial assets, financial instruments, currency transactions, insurance policies, etc. Generally these factors fall under international trade, foreign investment and capital market flows. (4)

	If a healthy, dynamic balance is to be struck in this overall process of global trade (as perceived from a certain perspective) then we must see who or what is on that 'field of play' that can counter-balance adverse aspects of such interactions and who or what can assist and augment such corrections (and, hopefully, facilitate any mechanisms when and where present that may involve an existential self-correction?)? (5)

	Because various misleading myths about the economics of the market place are uncritically promulgated we need to see clearly as to what is taking place and how relatively defective aspects of these processes could be rectified. Markets have never been free and even playing fields! They operate under chaotic circumstances that may encourage processes of dysfunctional equilibriums, are never fully informed and absolutely self-correcting enterprises, etc., and, one must wonder if the very people that are seen and heard over-promoting such myths might not stand to profit at the same time, directly or indirectly, from their privileging of such oversight? (6)

	An implicit thesis embedded in the title to this working paper is: that because the nature of many trans-national business organizations is often comparable or larger than the governments of the countries they operate in one must wonder who is re-setting the political agenda in those countries w.r.t. the way business is to be conducted therein and there between, etc? Hence our mention (in paragraph  5) of our desire to see a healthy balance struck in these processes of political and economic transformation and transition that act to re-define the nature of self, groups, institutions, governments and expressions of international culture as created in this current climate of globalization. (7)

History of Globalization

	Even before recorded history peoples have traded among themselves. Globalization is nothing new. What is new is the extent this is becoming a factor in the very political life of a country itself. Whereas in the not so distant past some countries and a few businesses traded beyond their borders the degree of such traffic was usually insignificant when compared to the extent of the total economy of that country as transacted within its own borders. (8)

	Now, one argument often run by pro-globalists is the assertion, repeated like a mantra, that "globalization is inevitable!" But, then, so is death! The recognition of this fact of our mortality usually does not stop us from going about our lives in a deliberate fashion, in such a manner so as to maximize the perceived value of our existence, etc. And our critical-philosophical treatment of these issues will not be disrupted by this rather vacuous argument. That our concern in this regard should focus upon how loses could be minimized and gains consolidated, augmented, and, such differentially increased profits better distributed locally, nationally and internationally? (9)

	People are also forgetting that there have been periods of relative globalization in the past. E.g., just before the Second World War, the American stock market crash and subsequent worldwide depression have been read as a collapse of confidence in a world of relatively free-trade; a crisis reinforced by tariff barriers being erected worldwide, etc. Perhaps possible lessons to be learned from this failed experiment in globalization should also be discussed in this open forum? (10)

	In the light of the previous comment we should note that globalization is being fueled, in part, by the progressive reductions of tariffs that have been negotiated between countries on a bilateral and multilateral basis. Indeed, in the 1940's they stood at approximately 40% whereas now they have fallen to about 4%. (11)

Critical Political Appreciation

	The question now arises: how do we critically go about insightfully evaluating and debating such issues, etc? Indeed, how should critical insight be linked with the exercise of a critical praxis? I.e., what is the nature of the relationship between reflection and practice?! (12)

	In intentional analysis the word 'act' can sometimes have two meanings, i.e., i.e., an action that makes something in the world through its transformation, and, a mental act wherein in an intentional process there is only a transformation of intent (through a re-direction of intentional directedness and/or a transformation of that intentional object-state). Although these two closely interconnected (senses of intent) can be linked and interrelated they should also be properly differentiated. Although they should not be confused more importantly we should see how these two facets of judgmental experience are exercised (if only analogically through a modeling in language). (13)

	Reflection is often misunderstood as being merely a passive intentional state of affairs - a detached, hands-off, theoretical exercise conducted in a realm of pure possibility. But reflection is also usually an active affair. Indeed, in the world-as-lived these two correlative facets mutually define and refine each other. In this understanding reflection is not just detached but also absorbed in the activity informed by the former which, in turn, then re-informs the latter, and so on… As previously argued reflection, in a passive sense, is conducted in and through a hermeneutic circle under the auspices of an overall transcendental suspension. The 'circular' nature of the hermeneutic circle is orchestrated through a series of distinctive types of transcendental suspensions, namely, transcendental suspensions, transcendental reductions, transcendental re-constitutions, etc. How this circle of experience is metaphorically left is in and through a suspension of the totality of that circle itself, i.e., an overall transcendental suspension of the overall transcendental suspension under actively-lived examination. Without going further into a more detailed examination of the argumentation behind this complex set of theoretical manoeuvres let it be merely recorded that the suspension is 'entered' through a suspension and 'left' through a suspension of that same suspension, etc. Through this dialectic action is informed, i.e., intent is informed intentionally, and vice versa. The apparent intent of action being 'permitted' in and through the suspension of that intentional suspension, etc. Their disconnection disrupting this flow of activity to and from this dialectical process involved in the full engagement of an overall transcendental suspension. This insight into the passive-active constitution of reflection is embedded in the word 'judgment' where, as a process, it is both the ‘making of a judgment’, and, that ‘judgment’ as the content of that judgment as made or 'delivered'. Context usually determining which sense is meant although neither party can 'appear' without being co-defined by its correlative partner in this mutual constitution of sense, meaning and meaningfulness (i.e., value). The judgment made is made in an act of judgment, and, no process of judgment could be made without the intent to (eventually) form a delivered judgment as the thematized content of that process of judgmental deliberation, etc. (14)

	Upon this theoretical background let me introduce and clarify a number of points apposite to the critical treatment of a political inquiry (or any other type of inquiry for that matter). This will be noted under the following headings.

1.	Reflection is (actively) engaged in (the simulation of) the world-as-lived. 
2.	An adequately informed, properly conducted, valid, overall transcendental suspension then establishes an informed process of reflection.
3.	This is delivered through a sense of balance.
4.	That sense of balance is arrived at through a dynamic, ongoing process of harmonization (which implies we cannot just passively sit on the metaphorical 'fence').
5.	An overall suspension of the passive overall suspension then ensures an active process of reflection is realized through a reversal of this direction away from a mentally oriented sense of activity to a non-mentally oriented sense of activity in the world..
6.	An overall suspension of the balance between these two senses of reflection then establishes an existentialization of that overall (passive-active) process.
7.. 	Thence 'response' becomes 'responsible' (from this more epistemologically organized level of intentional 'activity') through its self-reflection from the psychic center of that particular context of relationship (in its relational context).
8.	Which in turn reflects the living nature of that relationship in its relational context of a world of relationships, i.e., in the openness of the Life-World.
9.	The thorough exercise of an overall transcendental suspension then ensures a critical stance through neither privileging nor non-privileging our pre-critical positioning in the world (as received in and through the natural attitude), etc. (15)

	My main argument is this: the very same way a critical appreciation of a political process is conducted, as represented in philosophical awareness, it is by the very same means, through this sense of a 'reversal' initiated through a 'suspension of the suspension', that a critical process of praxis is (to be) also established! (16)

	This could be summed up in the following formula: through a dynamic, ongoing harmonization of competing claims an active existentialization of response realizes a responsible engagement within this World-of-Life! By such means, I would argue, that political-economic reflection is entered into in both senses of the word 'reflection', i.e., both passively (on an intentional level) and actively (on the level of intent). (17)

	Let us now apply these critical insights to the controversial topic of globalization and the potential changes that could be directly or indirectly induced in the political process through this transformation of the market place, and v.v?! (18)

Some Provisional Observations and Principles?

	Many people are suspicious of what globalization collectively stands for. Indeed, many organizations have formed with a variety of intentions from setting out to ensure 'fair trade' rather than 'free trade', or, of stopping it and reversing this trend. My sympathies lie with the former. Certainly businesses have benefited from this trend. However, there is a general consensus of opinion that it is only through increased world trade that living standards are going to be raised world-wide. That granted, what adverse aspects might temper this optimism? (19)

	One argument presented (by the Left) in this debate is the fact that Third World countries have little or no union representation in the work force and as a result the workers are, more often than not, exploited A similar argument stating that as there is very little real environmental protection in place in the Third World the environment is equally over-exploited. But these 'particular' arguments should not be able to overcome the 'general' argument that globalization, collectively, does stand for greater world prosperity. (20)

	Rather than disrupt this trend for globalization, which has lifted a sizable proportion of the world's population from poverty, we should seek more localized mechanisms in order to rectify non-existential and adverse manipulations of this process. E.g., multinationals based in a First World country could form a charter that guides them in the formation of unions, or their equivalent, in those Third World countries where they conduct their business. This has been attempted on a number of levels. Similarly, such charters could also limit adverse environmental practices. The concept of 'fair trade' has also seen cooperative businesses that ensure that fair compensation is paid to the workers for their product (e.g., coffee, etc.) by the marketing of that product as a product of fair trade; in the process also ensuring better working conditions. Similarly, environmentally friendly practices are also noted on the product when they have been certified as such. In a similar vein, arguments for a variety of positive practices that maintain and better promote our cultural diversity should also be considered? Can we be optimistic here? (21)

	It has been noted that "the rich get richer and the poor get poor". There may be some truth to that 'observation'. However, wealth and industrialization of a country is no longer proportional to the quantity of sulfuric acid manufactured within its boundaries. We have moved into a silicon environment, a world of plastics and lighter alloys, a realm of designer drugs, etc. Of course, wealth based upon processes and processed materials is increasing whereas the cost of primary produce will be at a disadvantage in not being able to proportionally reflect advances in those forms of new wealth creation (with a few exceptions from time to time like, e.g., the increasing demand and cost of oil, etc.). On the other hand, when we differentiate between poor societies that are economically 'open' and those that are 'closed' it can be shown that overall growth is actually faster for the poor economies that are 'open', i.e., open to tariff reductions, miscellaneous modes of increased globalization, etc. In a discussion paper from the World Bank it was noted that 'open poor countries' had an average growth rate that was just greater than 2% per annum between 1960-1995. On the other hand growth for 'poor closed countries' was just over 1% average growth. In comparison 'rich (and hence 'open') countries' experienced almost exactly 2% average growth per annum.  In this sense ‘poor, but open, countries’ were marginally growing richer than those countries traditionally classified as ‘rich’. (22)

	Other arguments noted that tariffs, and their reductions, should be equally spread between industrial and agricultural sectors, etc.; and when this has occurred Australia has often stood to gain. Indeed, “it is estimated that if protection levels around the world were to be dropped by 50%, the benefit to Australia would be more than A$7 billion a year.” (23)

	But, not all sections of the workplace are going to be winners. Many blue collar jobs, e.g., have literally gone 'overseas'. Then, some white collar jobs have disappeared into ‘thin air’ through efficiencies achieved electronically, etc. Still, on balance, through the greater creation of new jobs (often in totally new sections of the economy, such as computing, internet related or assisted activities, etc., and, through processes of re-training of labour, etc.) workers in Australia, overall, have stood to gain. Indeed, Australian exports in the last two decades of the twentieth century have grown by three and a half times and this has translated into more jobs. We find evidence for this in the fact that the current level of unemployment is about 5%, bringing us back into line with the early 1970's. (24)
	
	What are the political consequences of these quite radical changes in the way of doing business, etc. For a start, the average Australian worker has become more middle-class and as a consequence more conservative in their political aspirations. Then, a few years ago, with the immanent disruption of traditional forms of labour and other forms of dislocation, Ross Gittins notes the sudden rise of the One Nation Party (that has just as swiftly deconstructed). In this same article for The Sydney Morning Herald, 13 September 2000, p.12, he also concludes with the following comment: the irony of globalisation is that its survival calls for national government to be bigger and more active than ever. (25)

	Furthermore, the extent of globalization and the size of many of its players must mean that global institutions, along democratic lines, must be developed to facilitate a fairer economic world environment! Let us examine this speculative observation and corrective proposal more closely. (26)
Critical Political Practice

	Let me introduce the following example, as an example of a certain type of problem, in order to highlight an observation about the nature of the world, and, from our reflections upon it, in an attempt to find possible solutions to that problem, let us treat that type of change of attitude that must result from such considerations as a metaphor for the type of political program that we would need to institute in order to ensure that the processes of globalization are more conducive to win-win types of scenarios; especially between parties whose power relations are highly asymmetric. Certain fish stocks in certain international areas of the world were once blessed with an abundance of progeny. However, through an excessive use of such resources fish stocks in some of these areas have fallen to barely sustainable levels, and, in some instances, to the probable destruction of those species. This type of phenomenon has occurred many times in history, e.g., the overgrazing of common lands in England, the desertification of areas of the Middle East through excessive grazing by goats, the unsustainable and inappropriate utilization of tropical hardwoods in Australia and elsewhere. As an observation about the enterprising nature of the person we might say that the endeavours of an individual might be found praiseworthy and thought something to be emulated, however, multiply such a labourer by a large number and the collective impact of their industry might well be found to be something completely adverse for all of us and, as a result, definitely something that we should not emulate! All too often the discovery of an economic opportunity is the starting signal for a race that quickly becomes totally unedifying! And unprofitable! Indeed, in our reflection upon such a trend in human behaviour, how are we to change our ways and not find ourselves heading like proverbial lemmings into the ocean where we have an adverse impact upon both the environment of the world and the world of culture as lived-before-others. The lesson to be learnt here is that the over-exploitation of a resource leads to the unprofitable exhaustion of that resource! Faced with such a possibility what else can we do but learn to work together politically and attempt to either properly manage that resource or completely abstain from its exploitation for an agreed upon period of time. In a similar fashion, many aspects of the phenomenon of globalization need to be either properly managed or exempted from utilization. In order to charter this international political dimension let us discuss what types of political intervention might need to be adopted, and adapted, in order to realize this type of ambition wherein the prospects all parties are best accommodated. (27)

	One commentator states: “The most important contemporary issue in globalization is governance – the ‘democratic deficit’. Experience demonstrates conclusively that competition, trade and economic development cannot be sustained over the longer turn without fair and effective governance. The same is true in relation to opportunity, equity and freedom for individuals and communities. (28)

	In exploring this new political dimension let me sketch out some of the possibilities that would most likely need to be taken into account. Let me do this under the following headings, as points of possible discussion and critical reflection:

1. The formation of a new social contract based upon a redefinition of its humanistic underpinnings. To be conducted separately on national and international levels of formulation (taking into account an equality of gender, race, age, sexual preference, religion, political allegiance, union affiliation, profession, etc.). By ‘humanistic underpinnings’ is meant the fact that social welfare formulations are humanist in origination and independent of the political parties formulating/re-formulating the same. That the spirit of their formulation should be conducted with the aspiration that society attempts to ensure the maximization of opportunities in the welfare of all its members in the light of their advantages and disadvantages and unique contributions.

2. The formal formation or adaptation of political forms of governance that positively modify the national and international consequences of globalization. Such as a reinvigorated United Nations, and other allied bodies; the formation/re-formation of a world trade union body, the greater exercise of an international rule of law, etc.

3. The informal formation or adaptation of indirect forms of political supervision of the processes and consequences of globalization. Such as, for instance, Internet communities that monitor trade practices, political processes, environmental consequences; the instigation of informal, selective trade boycotts of those businesses exploiting their workforce, environment; etc.

4. The adoption and adaptation of best environmental practices on personal, communal, national and international levels of performance to ensure a sustainable future. 

5. The advancement of a global uptake of relatively more democratic processes through those measures that promote a greater degree of political transparency and accountability; better modes of representation; critical processes of supervision, oversight and retrospective enquiry; an openness to communal dialogue and other forms of intellectual exchange; etc.

6. A more efficient, equitable and sustainable utilization of all resources be they cultural or non-cultural in orientation, etc. (29)

	These are merely a set of general headings that will need to be fleshed out in particular instances on a situation by situation basis. What else could we add here? What areas of concern should we focus upon in personal, communal, local, national and international terms of reference? (30)

Conclusion?

	What can we conclude? Let me non-systematically frame a set of observations, ideals and objectives in this regard? (31)

	In my opinion an increasing degree of democratization is both inevitable and necessary to act as a counterweight to forces that non-existentially attempt to dominate the market place. People need to get together and form living-communities that are not anti-globalization on the basis of single issues or because (the connotation of) such a concept has had such a bad press. Who are we to insist that trade should not be globalized and therein and thereby deny millions of people the chance to improve their standard of living? Instead, such groups should sharply focus on those inequitable aspects of global-exploitation! Non-symmetric power relations are not necessarily exploitative (since no relationship can be fully equal in its power relations). On the other hand, the establishment of a better degree of balance is one way to attempt an equitabilization of the consequences of asymmetric power relations (when formerly conducted in a relatively non-existential manner). When people get together their collective effect can be greater, and more positive or more negative, than that individually treated as a mere sum! Witness the relatively beneficial growth in China and India though a liberalization of their economies! Or, witness the devastating impact of socialism, communism, militarism, nationalism and fascism on the early Twentieth Century and their collective disruption of a previously liberal trade environment! Furthermore, increased democratization of the power-process would ensure a greater degree of this desired-for-process of equitabilization. Therein better promoting the mutualization of the consequences of such interactive processes for all the concerned parties. The political formalization of such procedures giving all relevant parties a better legal basis upon which to operate before the ultimate transparency of the Life-World itself… since what is done in this world, being traced out upon the fabric of this realm of existence, remains effectively open to intersubjective scrutiny in some form or other. As we ultimately live before others, whether we like it or not, then we had better get use to the fact that we must do that, i.e., live before the sight of others… so let us share our insights so that they might better share their insights with us and in the process re-invigorate this living semblance of a life-shared-with-others! (32)

	Should we be optimistic in this regard? Well, we had better be! Globalization over the last fifty years has already lifted three billion people out of poverty. An increasingly thematized sense of a middle-class existence has ensured the development and the eventual consolidation of a democratic way of life for more people and more countries (both quantitatively and qualitatively). Increasing wealth and an increasing transparency and consolidation of a representative sharing of responsibility often leads to a diminution of environmental degradation (as shown in the degree of water pollution/smoke pollution when graphed against income). Informal and formal political practices could also ensure a minimization of environmental degradation through the appropriate application of political pressure be it in the form of a local, national and/or international boycott or by more formal political means. (33)

In this we must make sure governments stand up to those forces that inauthentically set out to non-mutually exploit those who cannot, by themselves, prevent such processes of mis-appropriation. A balanced, middle path often ensuring the greater success of the efforts of all the parties concerned. Indeed, goodwill often translates into greater profit! Then, if governments don’t stand up for the welfare of others then we must stand up to such governments and remind them in no uncertain terms of just what exactly is to be expected of them! Increasing democratization has facilitated the emergence of this Contemporary tendency to deconstruct active-passive states of political asymmetry. We are all ‘on television’ now! We live in an increasingly interactive, virtual society, a society increasingly monitoring itself and others, which when presented before the ‘sight of others’ before too long soon learns to be seen in a better light! So, let us focus our sight on those problems that are real problems and seek real solutions that proffer the promise of being ‘real’ solutions that, as a result, we might find ourselves living in a truly better world through these very acts of public resolve, resolution, reconstitution and reconstruction! Becoming not so much a rich society as an enriched society… a world of community living in an increased sense of harmony through a greater degree and depth of engagement! (34)

The Business of Politics versus the Politics of Business: An Existential Response?

	Globalization is the background to this question. In and of itself globalization is not an adverse phenomenon but more a beneficial state of affairs since it encourages a greater efficiency in the pursuit of human endeavours. However, asymmetric power-relations can be exercised by the dominant parties as a position to exploit less dominant parties. How can such tendencies be ameliorated and minimized? My tentative answer being, in general, through the adoption and adaptation of exactly the same methods we suggested should be adopted in our engagement with those forces and factors that encourage advantageous processes of globalization for all parties concerned! Namely, through a democratization of both the market place and the political arena - promoting, therein, a greater degree of transparency, a greater degree of responsibility along with a more flexible, adaptable, existential course of responsiveness. This is best conducted as a cooperative affair, in the process balancing those relatively more dominant factors in that relationship; influential and not so influential people needing to adopt decisions that best reflect the general interest of their communities and not those of a more self-interested nature. The mechanism for the exercise of such critical reflection being the exercise of adequate overall transcendental suspensions in a manner as previously indicated and discussed elsewhere! In the process demonstrating that reflection is not just a passive approach to our engagement with a particular situation but also an exit into a course of meaningfully directed activity! (35)
						               Noël Tointon, Sydney, 30.7.05.